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THE BIOGRAPHY OF MAHOMET, AND RISE OF ISLAM.
CHAPTER SIXTH.

From the Tenth Year of the Mission of Mahomet to the Hegira; viz. from the Fiftieth to the Fifty-third Year of his Life.

Mahomet and his party remained in the Skeb of Abu Talib for three years; - from 617-618 to 619-620 A.D.

In the beginning of the tenth year of his Mission (the fiftieth of his life), Mahomet and his kinsmen were still shut up in the isolated quarter of Abu Talib. The only interval of freedom and relief, as has been already stated, occurred at the annual pilgrimage. Buying and selling, giving and receiving in marriage-all the intercourse of social life, was totally suspended between them and the rest of the Coreish. The Hashimites were thus virtually blockaded for the space of two or three years.

The sympathy of their opponents excited

At last the sympathies of a numerous section of of the Coreish were aroused. They saw in this form of persecution something more than a conscientious struggle against an impostor. The justice of extending the ban to the whole Hashimite stock seemed doubtful. Many, especially those related to the family, began to grieve at the rupture.

Abu Talib acquaints the Coreish that

It was discovered by some of the friends of Mahomet that the parchment in the Kaaba, on


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which the ban was engrossed, had been almost entirely devoured by insects.

their deed had been eaten by insects; and upbraids them

The important news was told to Mahomet; and Abu Talib resolved to found thereon an effort for the dissolution of the league. The venerable chief now more than four-score years of age,1 issued forth from his closed quarter, and proceeded, with a band of followers, to the Kaaba. Addressing the chief men of the Coreish, as usual assembled there, he said,- "Intelligence hath reached me that your parchment hath been eaten up of insects. If my words be found true, then desist from your evil designs; if false, I will deliver up Mahomet that ye may do with him as ye list." The whole company agreed that it should be thus. So they sent for the document; and when they had opened it out, they saw that it was even as Abu Talib had said; a great part had been devoured by white-ants and was no longer legible. Abu Talib, perceiving their confusion, bitterly upbraided them with inhumanity and breach of social obligation. He then advanced with his band to the Kaaba, and standing behind the curtain, prayed to the Lord of the Holy House for deliverance from their machinations. Having done this, he retired again to his abode.

The Hashimites released from their imprisonment 619-620 A.D.

The murmurs of the party that favoured the Hashimites, now found an opportunity of effective utterance. The partizans of the Prophet were

1Katib al Wackidi, p.23.


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emboldened. The Coreish had hardly recovered from surprise at the sudden appearance and sudden departure of Abu Talib, when five chief men rose up from their midst, and declaring themselves inimical to the league, put on their armour, and proceeded to the quarter of Abu Talib. Standing by, they commanded all that had taken refuge there to go forth to their respective homes in security and peace. So they went forth in the tenth year of the prophet's mission. The Coreish, confounded by the boldness of the stroke, offered no opposition. They perceived that a strong party had grown up who would resent by arms any attempt to lay violent hands upon the Moslems.2

2 Among the five chiefs was Abul Bokhtari, whose safety in return Mahomet vainly endeavoured to secure at Badr. Another was Zohair, a maternal grandson of Abd al Muttalib. A third was Mutim, who shortly afterwards took the Prophet under his protection on his return from Tayif. See below.

The version in the text is chiefly from the Secretary of Wackidi, (p.40,) with the omission only of the fiction that God had communicated to his prophet the information that the document had been eaten up all except the words "in the name of God," with which (according to the ancient Meccan custom, Tabari, p.147,) it commenced, and that Abu Talib told this to the Coreish.

Two separate traditions are given both by Hishami and Tabari. One as above. The other that the five chiefs had preconcerted a plan for the dissolution of the league. Repairing to the place of concourse, each began, as if independently, to speak against the ban, ant' the Coreish were already influenced by their appeal, when Mutim arose to tear up the document, and found that it had been eaten up. Hishami, p.118; Tabari, p.145.


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Domestic trials

Repose and liberty followed the breaking up of the hostile league; but they were not long to be enjoyed by Mahomet. In a few months he was visited by trials more severe than any that had yet befallen him. The tenth year of his mission (the third before the Hegira) had not yet passed when Khadija died; and five weeks later he lost his protector Abu Talib also3.

I have endeavoured to weave both versions into the likeliest historical form. Weil supposes the document to have been destroyed during the night by some partizan of Mahomet. But this could hardly have been done. The ravages of white ants are not thus easily counterfeited: they have a peculiar appearance.

3The authorities regarding these dates are contradictory, and we must be content with probabilities.

The Katib al Wackidi says (p.23,) that Khadija died after Abu Talib a month and five days: Ibn Coteiba also, that she died after him three days. The authorities, however, quoted in the Mowahiballadoniya, give Ramadhan (December 619,) as the date of Khadija's death, and Shawwai (January 620,) for that of Abu Talib. Sprenger is not clear; in one place (p. 196, note 2,) he says that "Khadija died after Abu Talib;" but in the next page, "one month and five days after his wife he lost 'his uncle and protector, the noble-minded Abu Talib."

The middle of Shawwai is the date generally agreed upon for Abu Talib's decease (Katib al Wackidi p.23); and the end of the same month, or about a fortnight later, as the period when Mahomet, downcast and distressed by the two bereavements, set out for Tayif. We must therefore either suppose that Khadija died within this fortnight, i.e. within the last fifteen days of Shawwai, or that she died before Abu Talib. Ibn Coteiba’s tradition that she died three days after Abu Talib, would be consistent' with the former supposition. But this is unlikely; and moreover the interval between the two deaths is generally represented as thirty-five days. Katib al Wackidi, pp. 23, 40.


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Death of Khadija, December, 619 A.D.

The death of his wife was a grievous affliction. For five-and-twenty years she had been his counselor and support; and now his heart and home were left desolate. His family however no longer needed her maternal care. The youngest daughter, Fatima, was approaching womanhood,4 and an attachment was perhaps already forming with Ali, her father's nephew, and adopted son. Though Khadija (at her death threescore and five years old) must long ago have lost the charms of youth, and though tire custom of Mecca allowed polygamy, yet Mahomet was, during her lifetime, restrained from other marriages by affection and gratitude, and perhaps also by the wish to secure more entirely for his cause the influence of her family. His grief at her death at first was inconsolable, for he was liable to violent and deep emotion; but its effects were transient. The place of Khadija could be filled, though her devotion and virtues might not be rivalled, by numerous successors.5 In this view, it seems more natural to adopt the alternative that sire died in the first half of Ramadhan (December 619); that Abu Talib died in the middle of Shawwai (January 620): and that Mahomet, overcome by despondency at these successive bereavements, and by the renewed opposition of the Coreish, set out for Tayif the end of the latter month.

4She would be then about twelve or thirteen years of age.

5She was buried in the cemetery of Mecca, (afterwards called Jannat al Maala,) to the north-west of the city. See Burton’s Description of the Tomb which is visited by pilgrims, vol. iii. p.351.


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Death of Abu Talib, January, 620 A.D.

The loss of Abu Talib, who lived and died an death of an unbeliever, was, if possible, a still severer bereavement. We may dismiss without much attention the legend that on his deathbed, in reply to the earnest appeal of his nephew, he declared that he was prevented from giving his assent to the creed of Islam only because he feared the imputation of terror at the approach of death6. Whatever he may have said to comfort Mahomet, his whole life belies the accusation that the apprehended contempt of the Coreish restrained him from avowing his convictions; The sacrifices to which Abu Talib exposed himself and his family for the sake of his nephew, while yet incredulous of his mission, stamp his character as singularly noble and unselfish. They afford at the same time strong proof of the sincerity of Mahomet. Abu Talib would not have acted thus for an interested deceiver; and he had ample means of scrutiny.

The loss of Abu Talib severely felt

When the patriarch felt that life was ebbing, he summoned his brethren, the sons of Abd al Muttalib around his bed, commended his nephew to their protection; and, relieved of this trust, died in peace7. Mahomet wept bitterly for his uncle;

6 See Weil's Mohammad, p.67, note 79; and Katib al Wackidi; p.22 ½.

7"After his death Mahomet prayed for his salvation; but he had not yet gone forth from the house, when Gabriel descended with the verse forbidding to pray for unbelievers who have died


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and not without good reason. For forty years he had been the prop of his childhood, the guardian of his youth, his tower of defence in later life. The place of Khadija might be supplied, but not that of Abu Talib. "is very unbelief rendered his influence the stronger. So long as he survived, Mahomet needed not to fear violence or attack. But there was no strong hand now to protect him from his foes.

Abu Lahab for a short time protects Mahomet

Grieved and dispirited by these bereavements following so closely one upon the other, and dreading the unrepressed insolence of the Coreish, Mahomet kept chiefly at home, and seldom went abroad8. The dying behest of Abu Talib had now an unexpected in scepticism. Katib al Wackidi p. 23. See also Sura 115. This verse however occurs in one of the latest Suras; there is no reason to believe that the rule enunciated in it had yet been given forth before the Hegira, though the system was fast tending towards it.

It is also said that Mahomet wept and commanded All to wash his father's corpse, and place it in the winding sheet, and bury him. Katib al Wackidi, Ibid. But this looks like one of the Alyite traditions, which would refer all important commissions to Ali. It is not probable that the last services to a man of Abu Talib's position, surrounded by brothers and sons, would be left to Ali alone, acting under Mahomet's orders.

8Ibid. p.40; Hishami; p.138; Tabari, p.149. The two latter say that the indignities he suffered at this time were so great that on one occasion the populace cast did upon his head. He returned to his house in this plight: one of his daughters arose to wipe off the dirt, and she wept. And Mahomet said, "My daughter, weep not, for verily the Lord will be thy father's helper." They add that he suffered no such indignity as that while Abu Talib lived.


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effect; for Abu Lahab, heretofore the avowed enemy of Mahomet, was softened by his despondency and distress, and spontaneously became his guardian. "Do," he said, "as thou hast been in the habit of doing, while Abu Talib was yet with us. By Lat! no one shall hurt thee while I live." But tire generous pledge was not long observed. Abu Lahab was gained over by the Coreish to their party, and Mahomet left to protect himself as he best could9.

Critical position of Mahomet

The position of the Arabian Prophet now was critical. He must either gain the ascendancy at Mecca, abandon his prophetical claims, or perish in the struggle. Islam must either destroy idolatry, or idolatry must destroy Islam. Things could not remain stationary. His followers, though devotedly attached, and numbering a few once influential citizens, Were but a handful against a host. Open

9This curious episode is given in detail by the Katib al Wackidi, (p.40). At first when Ibn Ghaitala abused Abu Lahab as a renegade for taking the part of Mahomet, the Coreish admitted the excuse of Abu Lahab, and even praised him for his attempt "to bind up family differences." But shortly after Ocba and Abu Jahl told him to ask in what place Abd al Muttalib was; and on Mahomet's confessing that he was in hell, Abu Lahab left him in indignation, saying, - "I win not cease to be thine enemy for ever!"

Whatever may have been the immediate cause, It is evident that Abu Lahab soon was led again to abandon his nephew through the instigation of the evil-disposed Coreish.


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hostilities, notwithstanding every endeavour to prevent them, might any day be precipitated, and ruin irretrievably his cause. The new faith had not been gaining ground at Mecca There had been no conversions, none at least of any note, since those of Omar and Hamza, three or four years before. A few more years of similar discouragement, and his chance of success was gone.

He resolves to make trial of the Bani Thackif at Thaif

Urged by such reflections as these; Mahomet began to look around him. The Meccans knew not the day of their visitation, and had well nigh sealed their doom. It was perhaps the will of the Lord that succour and salvation should come from some other people. Tayif (sixty or seventy miles to the east of Mecca) was the nearest city of importance. It might be that God would turn the hearts of its inhabitants, the idolatrous. Thackifites, and use them as his instruments to chastise the Meccans, and establish his religion on the earth. To them, accordingly, he resolved to deliver his message.

His journey thither January and February, 620 A.D.

Abu Talib had been buried hardly a fortnight, when Mahomet, followed only by the faithful Zeid, set out on his adventurous mission10. His road (as far as Arafat it was the pilgrim's route) lay over

10Hishami, (p.136,) and Tabari, (p.149,) say that he went entirely alone ; - but the Katib al Wackidi, (p. 40 ½,) that he was accompanied by Zeid, who was wounded in attempting to defend his master. As to the date, the latter says "there were still some days of Shawwal remaining," when he started.


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dismal rocks and through barren defiles for about forty miles, when it emerged on the crowning heights of Jebel Kora, with its rich gardens and charming prospect. Thence, descending through fertile valleys, the smiling fruits and flowers of which suggested perhaps the bright picture of the conversion of the Thackifites, he advanced to their city. Though connected by frequent intermarriage, the inhabitants of Tayif were jealous of the Coreish11. They had a Lat, or chief idol, of their own. It might be possible, by appealing to their national pride, as well as to their conscience, to enlist them on the side of Islam against the "people of Mecca. Mahomet proceeded to the three principal men of the city, who were brothers12; and, having explained his mission, invited them to claim the honour of sustaining the new faith, and supporting him in the face of his hostile tribe.

He fails in gaining over its chief men, and is ignominiously expelled from the city

But he failed in producing conviction. They Cast in his teeth the common objections of his own people, and advised that he should seek protection in some other quarter13.

11They were descended from a common ancestor with the Coreish, Modhar, (B.C. 31,) See Introduction, chap. iii. p.cxcvi. In illustration of their independent and antagonistic position, see their hostile conduct in siding with Abraha in his invasion of Mecca. Introduction, chap. iv. p. cclxiii.

12One of them had a Coreishite were of the Bani Jumh, a branch which contained many adherents of Islam, and must therefore have been intimately acquainted with the politics of Mecca and the claims and position of Mahomet.

13Hishami has given the words of each of the brothers, but they are probably imaginary, p.137.


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Mahomet remained in Tayif for about ten days; but, though many of the influential men came at his call, no hopeful impression was made upon them. Thus repulsed, he solicited one favour only, that they would not divulge the object of his visit, for he feared on his return the taunts and aggravated hostility of the Coreish. But this, even if it had been possible, the men of Tayif were little likely to concede. For the first few days, perhaps, the com- mon people regarded with awe the Prophet who had turned Mecca upside down, and whose preaching probably many had heard at the pilgrimage or fairs. But the treatment he was receiving at the hands of their Chiefs, and the disproportion to the outward eye between the magnitude of his claims and his solitary helpless condition, turned fear into contempt. They were stirred up to hasten the departure of the unwelcome visitor. They hooted him in the streets; they pelted him with stones; and at last they obliged him to flee out of their city, pursued by a relentless rabble. Blood flowed from wounds in both his legs; and Zeid, endeavouring to shield him, received a" severe injury in his head. The mob did not desist until they had chased him two or three miles across the sandy plain to the foot of the hills that surround the city. There, wearied and mortified, he took refuge in one of the numerous orchards, and rested under a vine14.

14The town is celebrated all over Arabia for its beautiful gardens: but these are situated at the foot of the mountains which


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Rest at a garden in the outskirts

Hard by was the garden of two of the Coreish, Otba and Sheyba; for the wealthy Meccans had their pleasure grounds (as they still have) near Tayif15. They watched the flight of Mahomet; and, moved with compassion, sent a tray of grapes for his refreshment16. Their slave, a Christian from Nineveh, who brought the fruit to him, was charmed by the pious style of the Prophet's address; and Mahomet was perhaps solaced more by the humble devotion of Addas than by the grateful shade and juicy grapes17. After a little, composed and re-assured, he encircle the sandy plain. I did not see any gardens, nor even a single tree within the walls; and the immediate neighbourhood is entirely destitute of verdure." The nearest gardens appeared to be on the S. W. side, at the distance of about half or three quarters of an hour." Burkhardts Travels in Arabia, p.85.

The quarter from which Mahomet made his escape would be the west; so that he would probably have at least some three miles of sandy plain to cross before he secured his retreat to one of the gardens.

15Ibid., p.85.

16Burkhardt "tasted at Thaif grapes of a very large size and delicious flavour. The gardens are also renowned for the abundance of their roses." Ibid. The gardens on the eminences of Jebel Kora also abound in vines "the produce of which is of the best quality," besides a variety of other fruits. Ibid. p., 64. The grapes were ripe when the' traveller passed in the months, of August and September; the visit of Mahomet was (according' to M. C. de Perceval's calculations,) about four months later.

17The story of Addas is not in the Katib al Wackidi. Hishami and Tabari gave it with many fanciful additions. 'When Addas offered the grapes, Mahomet exclaimed, "In the name of God," as he stretched forth his hand to receive them. "Is this the mode of speech," asked the slave, "of the people of this country?" VOL II


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betook himself to prayer, and the following touching and plaintive petitions are still preserved as those in which his burdened soul gave vent to its distress.

His prayer

Oh Lord! 18 I make my complaint unto Thee of the feebleness of my strength, and the poverty of my expedients; and of my insignificance

"And of what country" said Mahomet "art thou, and what is thy? "A Christian of the people of Nineveh." "Ah!" replied Mahomet, "the people of the righteous Jonas the son of Mattail" "And, what" rejoined the slave, "hath made thee acquainted with Jonas son of Mattai?" "He was my brother; for he was a prophet, and I too am a prophet." Whereupon Addas fell to kissing the head and hands and feet of Mahomet, to the astonishment of his masters who were looking on from a distance.

The story in this form is of course apocryphal; and I should have omitted the incidents regarding Addas altogether, but that it is difficult to conceive how they could have found their way into this particular part of the history, without some foundation of fact. It is probable therefore that Mahomet did meet and converse with a Christian slave on this occasion.

18Zeid may have overheard and repeated the petitions; but we cannot, of course, place much confidence in the traditions which hand down this prayer. It is thus given by Hishami, (p. 137,) and Tabari, (p. 151).


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before mankind. Oh Thou most Merciful! thou art the Lord of the weak, and thou art my Lord. Into whose hands wilt thou abandon me? Into the hands of the strangers that beset me round? or of the enemy to whom thou hast given the mastery over me? If Thy wrath be not upon me, I have no concern; but rather thy favour is the more wide unto me. I seek for refuge in the light, of thy gracious countenance, by which the darkness is dispersed, and peace ariseth both for this world and the next, that thy wrath light not upon me, nor thine indignation. It is thine to show anger until Thou art pleased; and there is not any power or resource but in Thee."

Audience of the Genii at Nakhla

Re-invigorated by the pause, he set forth on his journey homewards. About half way, l9th to return to Mecca, he halted in the valley of Nakhla, where was an idol-temple, a grove, and a garden19.

19Nakhla was a valley about half-way between Mecca and Tayit It is famous as the scene of the first expedition planned by Mahomet against the Meccans in which blood was shed. In describing it on that occasion, the Katib al Wackidi says, "the valley of Nakhla is a garden of Ibn Amir, near to Mecca." But the nearness has reference only to Medina, from which the expedition proceeded, and is quite consistent with the assumed position half-way between Mecca and Tayif.

There was there an image of Uzza, held in estimation by the Coreish and other tribes, and destroyed after the taking of Mecca; Katib al Wackidi p. 129; Hishami, p. 371; M.C. de Perceval vol. i. p.280, vol. LLL. p.24l. Its position is farther marked by the "engagement bf Nakhla" in the sacrilegious war during the youth of Mabomet. The Hawazin pursued the Coreish from the


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There, as he arose at night to prayer, or perhaps as he dreamed, his nervous and excited imagination pictured crowds of Genii pressing forward to hear his exhortations, and ardent to embrace Islam. The romantic scene has been thus perpetuated in the Coran:-

"And call to mind when We caused a company of the Genii to turn aside unto thee that they might listen to the Coran. When they were present at the recitation thereof, they said Give ear. And when it was ended, they returned unto their people, preaching. They said,- Oh our People! verily we have been listening to a Book which hath been sent down since Moses, attesting the Truth of the Scripture preceding it. It guideth unto the Truth, and into the straight Path. Oh our People! Obey the Summoner from God, and believe in him, that he may forgive you your sins, and save you from an awful punishment20.

fair of Ocatz to this spot, which was within the sacred limits around Mecca, or at least close upon them ;- See chap. ii. p.2; M.C. de Perceval, vol. i. p; 807.

It may probably be the same as the "Wady Mohram," noticed by Burkhardt as the point in the direction of Tayif at which the pilgrims assume the Ibram or pilgrim garb; (p 67). The supposition is, perhaps, confirmed by the fact that the party sent by Mahomet to Nakhla shaved themselves there, to, deceive the caravan they were about to attack into the belief that they were peaceable pilgrims. Wady Mohram, like the Nakhla of Mahomet's time, has still fruit trees and gardens. The Katib al Wackidi's statement that there was a garden at Nakhla proves that it was on the Tayif side of the mountain range; since all on the Meccan side is barren.

On the whole M. C. de Perceval's description of Nakhla as "midway between Mecca mid Tayif (vol. iii. p.34,) may be accepted as pretty accurate.

Cnf Sprenger's "First notice of A. von Kremer's Wackidi," Asiatic Society's Journal, 1866, p. 15, which I did not see till the above had been written.

20Sura xlvi. 29 &c. The scene is described in Sura lxxii. which opens thus;-


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Mahomet returns to Mecca

After spending some days at Nakhla, he again proceeded toward Mecca. But before entering the city, which he feared to do (now that the object of

SAY; it hath been revealed to me that a company of Genii listened, and they said,- "Verily we have heard a marvellous discourse (lit. Coran;) It leadeth to the right direction; wherefore we believed therein, and we will not henceforth associate any with our Lord; And as to Him,- may the Majesty or our Lord be exalted! - He hath taken no Spouse, neither hath He any Offspring. But verily the foolish people amongst us have spoken of God that which is unjust; And we verily thought that no one amongst men or Genii would have uttered a lie against God. And truly there are people amongst Men, who have sought for refuge unto people among the Genii, but they only multiplied their folly. And they thought, as ye think, that God would not raise any from the dead. And we tried the heavens, but found them filled with a powerful Guard, and with flaming Darts; And we sat on some or the Stations to listen, but whoever listeneth now findeth an ambush of flaming Darts. And truly we know not whether evil be intended for them that are on Earth, or whether their Lord intendeth for them right direction And there are amongst us righteous persons, and amongst us person. of another kind ;-we are of various sorts: And verily we thought that no one could frustrate God on earth, neither could we escape from him by flight; Whencefore when we heard the direction, we hollered therein."- (and a On, the Genii speaking as true Moslems.)

And verily when the servant of God (Mahomet) stood up to call upon Him, they (the Genii) were near jostling him by their numbers, &C.

Notwithstanding the crowds of genii here alluded to, Hishami (whose traditional authorities seem to have had a wonderfully intimate acquaintance, with the habits and haunts of the Genii,) states that they were seven Genii belonging to Nisibin, who happened to pass that way, and were arrested by hearing Mahomet at his devotions reciting the Coran. Others say they were nine in number and came from Yemen, or from Nineveh. And it is added that they professed the Jewish religion! This of course arose from the reference made by them in the Coran to Moses.


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his visit to Tayif could not be kept secret) without a protector, he turned aside by a northward path to his ancient haunts in the vicinity of M1ount Hira.21 From thence he despatched two unsuccessful messages to solicit the guardianship of certain influential chiefs. At last he bethought him of Mutim (one of the five who had been instrumental in procuring the removal of the ban); and sent word beseeching that he would bring him in to the city under his protection. Mutim assented; and, having summoned his sons and adherents, bade them buckle on their armour and take their stand by the Kaaba. Mahomet and Zeid then entered Mecca; and, when they had reached the Kaaba, Mutim stood upright on his camel and called aloud, - "O ye Coreish! verily I have given the pledge of protection unto Mahomet; wherefore let not any one amongst you molest him." Then Mahomet went forward, kissed the corner stone, and returned to his house guarded 'by Mutim and his party. The generosity and faithfulness of Mutim 22 have

21 Burkhardt mentions that on the Meccan side of the Mina valley (i.e. the Tayif road,) there is "a side valley leading toward Jabel Nur or Hira. It may h